Photo credit: Florian Nussbaumer

Members of the civil society group Austrians for Ukraine discuss Austrian solidarity with Ukraine, digital resistance, vigils, and a book born out of their commitment.

Interview: Office Ukraine

Since the start of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, many people in Austria have been getting involved in various ways: through donations, demonstrations, outreach efforts, aid projects, or political pressure. Roswitha Fitzka, Werner Steinacher, Maresi McNab, and Robert Kana are among the Austrians who have been consistently advocating for Ukraine since 2022. They organize vigils, engage in online discussions to counter Russian disinformation, support projects in Ukraine, and—together with others—have written a book intended to help people better understand Ukraine. Their commitment did not stem from years of expertise, but rather from a moral shock—and gradually evolved into a form of civic responsibility.

Office Ukraine: Who are you, and what connection did you have to Ukraine before 2022?

Roswitha Fitzka:

I’m a philosopher by training, but I’ve never really worked as a philosopher. I worked in the private sector and, before retiring, managed the back office of a law firm. I haven’t been to Ukraine itself yet, but I now have many contacts with people who live there.

Maresi McNab:

I’m Austrian and used to work in the advertising industry, specifically in promotional film. Since retiring, I’ve become even more interested and active. I’ve been to Ukraine twice now—once to Lviv and once to Kyiv. And I’m certain: that definitely wasn’t the last time. I originally got to know many people here through *Der Standard*’s live ticker. From this digital space, connections, friendships, and ultimately activism have emerged.

Werner Steinacher:

I was a lawyer in Salzburg until 2019 and had been socially active even before that, including in the field of mediation and at the Salzburg Peace Office. We became involved with Ukraine rather abruptly starting on February 24, 2022. On that day, we were in front of the Russian Embassy in Vienna. Most of the people there were Ukrainians and Georgians, but relatively few Austrians. That’s where it all began for us.

In the fall of 2024, I visited Ukraine to tour our projects and meet our key contacts in person—a two-week trip to western Ukraine (Stryi and Lviv), Kryvyi Rih in central Ukraine, and Pavlohrad in the east (Donbas).

Robert Kana:

I worked in consulting and university teaching. The Russian invasion of Ukraine was a turning point for me. Since then, I’ve been deeply engaged with the issue and have been actively involved at various levels.

Roswitha Fitzka:

I think we have to be honest: We didn’t have a deep understanding of Ukraine back then. But we had this clear feeling: This cannot be allowed to happen. For one country in Europe to invade another—that was simply unacceptable.

OU: Part of this involvement began online. What role did the community around *Der Standard*’s live ticker play in this?

Robert Kana:

A very large one. At first, *Der Standard* published articles about the war; later, it introduced a live ticker where readers could post comments. It quickly became apparent just how pervasive Russian narratives were there. That was hard for many of us to bear. If you write regularly, people will eventually take notice—even if you’re using a pseudonym. That’s how a community emerged that took a stand against Russian propaganda through reasoned argument.

Roswitha Fitzka:

The key point was this: whenever a typical Russian post appeared, there wasn’t just one response. There were twenty responses—and they were well-reasoned.

Robert Kana:

Ultimately, it comes down to the question of who wins the battle for the narrative. What we managed to achieve was ensuring that this platform wasn’t completely dominated by Russian trolling. Later, this evolved into a Matrix group with several hundred members. There, information is gathered, sources are shared, and meetings are organized.

Maresi McNab:

For me, this live ticker was actually a kind of home in the beginning. I first became aware of many people I know personally today through that platform. I’m now more actively involved in the vigils and other activities, but the origins of many of these relationships lie there.

Roswitha Fitzka:

What I particularly appreciate is the willingness of many people to share their knowledge. There are some I still don’t know personally. But I know that the information they compile is carefully researched. That’s incredibly valuable.

Photo credit: Inec Karpenko

OU: At some point, this digital engagement turned into a public presence. How did the vigils come about?

Roswitha Fitzka:

The initiative for the vigil didn’t come exclusively from the Standard forum community. People who had been supporting our aid projects for some time were also involved—friends and acquaintances who were grappling with similar questions. At some point, it became clear to us: We can no longer hide behind the Ukrainian community. From the start of the war, Ukrainians had been out on the streets, demonstrating, spreading information, and taking a stand. But we felt that we, as Austrians, also had to take a public stand. Organizing large demonstrations wouldn’t have been realistic for us. We were simply too small for that. But we were able to organize a regular vigil—open to anyone who wanted to join.

Robert Kana:

For me, this was a continuation of our online work. Online, we’ve been making our case; here, we’re standing in public spaces. The two go hand in hand. The point is to make it clear that support for Ukraine isn’t exclusively a Ukrainian matter.

OU: How have the vigils changed over time?

Roswitha Fitzka:

At first, we had just one banner: “Russia out of Ukraine.” Then we realized that wasn’t enough. So we added a second one: “Stop Russia’s brutal war of aggression.” And at some point we thought: We also need a positive message. That led to the third slogan: “For a shared future in peace, freedom, and democracy.” To this day, these three statements form the core of our vigils. We’ve also developed a specific routine. Someone once said it’s almost liturgical—and in a way, that might be true. We often begin with a text, sometimes a poem by Taras Shevchenko. There’s information on the current situation in Ukraine, music, contributions from participants, and now also a short segment with positive news from Ukraine. Everyone is welcome to participate. Some simply hold a banner, while others speak or read texts aloud.

Maresi McNab:

To put it simply, the weather helped us, too. We started in the winter—in the dark and in sub-zero temperatures. Hardly anyone was interested in us then. As spring arrived, we became more visible.

Robert Kana:

There are two levels to this. On the one hand, we’re speaking to those who have already come. On the other hand, it’s about the people walking by. Many see: There are people standing there for Ukraine—and everything is in German. That’s confusing at first. You expect Ukrainians, but not necessarily Austrians. That confusion can spark reflection.

Photo credit: Inec Karpenko

OU: How does the public react to your vigils?

Robert Kana:

We receive a lot of support, but of course there’s hostility as well. Some come from clearly pro-Russian circles, others from conspiracy-theory-driven groups. We try to respond with arguments and facts.

Maresi McNab:

There have also been unpleasant situations. Once we had to deal with an aggressive drunk. But overall, the positive experiences outweigh the negative ones.

Roswitha Fitzka:

I think the Ukrainian community observed us with a certain degree of reserve at first. But we’ve since gained a good reputation there because we stuck with it. People know that when they come on Thursdays, there are Austrians standing up against Russia’s war of aggression and for a democratic future for Ukraine.

OU: At the same time, you’re supporting specific projects in Ukraine. What exactly are you doing?

Roswitha Fitzka:

It started out very practically. We supported projects in Kryvyi Rih—with first-aid supplies, hemostatic agents, food, generators, and later also with contributions for shelters. We reached out to friends, family, former colleagues, and acquaintances. We never made a big deal out of it. Sometimes we joked that we were the smallest NGO for Ukraine.

Werner Steinacher:

But even a small NGO means a lot of work. It’s about communication, organization, and trust. You have to raise funds, maintain contacts, and ensure that the support actually reaches where it’s needed.

Roswitha Fitzka:

And that’s exactly what sparked the desire to be able to make a stronger case. People who donate want to understand why their help is important. They want to be able to explain for themselves why Ukraine needs support.

Photo credit: Werner Steinacher

OU: That brings us to your book. How did the idea come about?

Roswitha Fitzka:

At the beginning, there was no idea for a book at all. In 2022, we didn’t have particularly deep knowledge about Ukraine. We had this strong feeling that what was happening wasn’t right—but we had to learn a lot for ourselves first. The longer we were involved, the more often we were asked questions: Why is Ukraine so important? Where do certain Russian narratives come from? Why isn’t it enough to say that “both sides” are to blame? That’s why we first created a small brochure of about forty pages in which we refuted some of the most common propaganda narratives. Once this brochure was finished, we realized: That’s not enough. More background information is needed.

Werner Steinacher:

We wanted to create material for people who fundamentally stand in solidarity with Ukraine but cannot work their way through countless specialized books on their own.

About the book: Steinacher, Werner (ed.): Ukraine—Questions and Answers. The Most Important Facts About Its History and Present. Hannover/Stuttgart. ibidem-Verlag, 2025.

Robert Kana:

This affects a lot of people. They feel that Ukraine needs to be supported, but they don’t always have the right arguments at their fingertips when confronted with Russian narratives.

Roswitha Fitzka:

We never could have imagined writing a book one day. But that is perhaps one of the most important lessons of this commitment: You grow into tasks you wouldn’t have thought yourself capable of before. We worked on the book for about a year and a half. There were intense discussions—about history, terminology, perspectives, and how to tell the story of Ukraine without reproducing old imperial ways of thinking.

Robert Kana:

Many of us grew up with a very Russia-centric view of this region. Questioning these categories and learning new ways of thinking is a lengthy process.

Maresi McNab:

In school, the so-called Eastern Bloc was often portrayed as a single gray block. The differences between Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus were hardly ever explained. We, too, had to learn a lot from scratch.

Roswitha Fitzka:

That’s exactly why we wanted to write this book—for people who are open-minded, who want to understand more, but don’t know where to start.

OU: How did you find a publisher?

Werner Steinacher:

At first, we had no idea how to go about something like this. A friend explained the first steps to us—how to write a synopsis, prepare sample chapters, and contact publishers. In the end, we wrote to about 26 publishers.

Roswitha Fitzka:

The acceptance from ibidem Verlag came surprisingly quickly. That was a good fit for our project because the publisher already had a focus on Eastern Europe and Ukraine. It was especially important to us that the book be not only informative but also accessible. Through our contacts, we were able to bring on board four Ukrainian female artists who helped develop the design. Ukraine wasn’t just supposed to be a topic—it was also meant to be brought to life through Ukrainian voices. And there was something else that moved us deeply: the author, historian, and Slavicist Martin Pollack agreed to write the foreword. He was already seriously ill at the time, yet he wrote it within a few days. That was a great source of encouragement for us.

Maresi McNab:

It was also a special form of recognition. That meant a lot to the project.

Roswitha Fitzka:

Today, we present the book at events and bring it along. It was never intended as a commercial project. For us, it’s part of our educational work—an attempt to make knowledge accessible and to show that even non-experts can engage with Ukraine.

OU: Would you say that your commitment today is directed not only against the war, but also against ignorance?

Robert Kana:

Yes, absolutely. Ignorance isn’t neutral. When certain narratives are repeated over and over, they shape public opinion. And politicians, in turn, react to that public opinion. It’s not about lecturing people. But we have to create spaces where nuanced knowledge becomes accessible.

Roswitha Fitzka:

I don’t think we should pretend that all information is equally valid. If something is demonstrably false, then we should call it out. At the same time, I’ve learned that you don’t reach people by making accusations. You have to create opportunities to ask questions and learn together.

Maresi McNab:

And sometimes it starts on a very small scale. Through a conversation at a vigil. Through a book. Through someone who suddenly realizes: I didn’t know any of this at all.

Photo credit: Werner Steinacher. Built with the support of Austrian donations, this air-raid shelter belonging to a parish in Ukraine now serves as a refuge and a multifunctional meeting place for the local community.

OU: How do you see Ukraine’s future in Europe?

Maresi McNab:

For me, there’s no real alternative to a European future for Ukraine. When you think through the various possibilities, everything else seems absurd. Ukraine has paid an enormous price in recent years. I believe it will play a key role in shaping Europe’s future.

Robert Kana:

I couldn’t agree more. As far as I’m concerned, Ukraine belongs in the European Union.

Roswitha Fitzka:

And I think that support must not stop once the fighting ends. It will be about reconstruction, about long-term relationships, and about listening to what the people of Ukraine themselves need.

Werner Steinacher:

Solidarity must not depend on whether an issue is currently in the news or not.

OU: What would you like to continue doing with your commitment in the future?

Roswitha Fitzka:

For me, concrete projects remain important. Organizing aid involves a lot of work—communication, trust, coordination. But it is precisely this reliability that is crucial.

Maresi McNab:

And the vigils remain important. It’s precisely their regularity that makes an impact on people. Sometimes you find yourself happy about even the little things—a nod, a brief conversation, or someone who stops and listens.

Robert Kana:

I hope that we in Austria will become more aware of how disinformation works. Democracy needs people who are willing to take responsibility and get involved.

Werner Steinacher:

We’re continuing our work because we’ve built relationships. When you know people, when you’ve been there in person, the war is no longer something abstract.

OU: In closing: How has this commitment changed you personally?

Roswitha Fitzka:

Back in February 2022, I could never have imagined that this would lead to friendships, aid projects, vigils, and ultimately even a book. For me, this shows that commitment can create new realities. You take a first step—and suddenly paths open up that you hadn’t even seen before.

Werner Steinacher:

For me, the encounters were crucial. When you get to know people in Ukraine, when you hear their stories, it changes your own perspective.

Maresi McNab:

I think I’ve become less patient with excuses. I’m less willing to accept that constant hesitation or the idea that there’s nothing you can do anyway than I used to be. At the same time, I’ve seen how much can come from small initiatives.

Robert Kana:

Above all, I’ve come to realize that democracy means work. You can’t always wait for institutions or other people to take action. When you see a gap, you have to ask yourself if you’re willing to contribute something yourself.

Public vigil: Every Thursday from 4 to 5 p.m., Platz der Menschenrechte, 1070 Vienna.